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第二次世界大战后,妇女受教育水平进一步提高(表1)。到1976年伊斯兰革命前夕,28%的大学生是女性。此外,他们已开始进入许多以前不向他们开放的领域,包括医药和法律。1977年德黑兰大学采用了妇女研究课程(Afkhami, 1984, p. 335)。此外,1968年在农村地区建立的扫盲队得到一个类似的妇女方案的补充(Eilers,第314页;见上文第七、十三、xx)。中小学女生入学率的增加对女性的整体读写能力产生了影响。中国6岁以上妇女的识字率从1976年的35%提高到1986年的52%,城镇妇女识字率从56%提高到65%,农村妇女识字率从17%提高到36%。同一时期,男性识字率从59%上升到71%。因此,性别差异从23%下降到19%。然而,由于人口增长,同一十年中波斯文盲妇女人数从840万增加到890万;大约三分之一的波斯妇女仍然是文盲。此外,受高等教育的妇女比例在同一时期从4%下降到3% (Kazemipour,第27- 28,31页)。在1980年代初的“文化大革命”期间,教育部和高等教育部当局采取了一些措施,使中小学和大学的性别关系“伊斯兰化”。数千名自由派和激进派教师,包括许多女性,被清洗;所有男女同校的学校都改为种族隔离的机构;伊斯兰教的着装规范被强加于学校和大学;教科书进行了修订,删除了露脸女性的插图;女性学生被劝阻不要进入特定的专业领域(Mehran, 1989;希金斯与沙法里,第17页)。


After World War II there were further strides in women’s education (Table 1). By 1976, on the eve of the Islamic revolution, 28 percent of all university students were women. Furthermore, they had begun to enter many fields not previously open to them, including medicine and law. In 1977 Tehran University adopted a curriculum in women’s studies (Afkhami, 1984, p. 335). Furthermore, in 1968 the Literacy Corps established in rural areas had been supplemented by a similar program for women (Eilers, p. 314; see vii, xiii, xx, above).The increases in female enrollment in elementary and secondary schools had had an impact on overall female literacy, defined as the ability to read and write a simple text. The literacy rate of the total female population aged six years and more rose from 35 percent in 1976 to 52 percent in 1986, from 56 to 65 percent in urban areas and from 17 to 36 percent in rural areas. In the same period male literacy rose from 59 to 71 percent. The gender differential thus declined from 23 to 19 percent. Nevertheless, because of population growth, the number of illiterate Persian women increased from 8.4 to 8.9 million in the same decade; approximately one-third of Persian women remained illiterate. Furthermore, the percentage of women with higher education decreased from 4 to 3 percent in the same period (Kazemipour, pp. 27-28, 31).During the “cultural revolution” of the early 1980s authorities at the ministries of education and higher education introduced a number of measures to “islamize” gender relations in schools and universities. Thousands of liberal and radical teachers, including many women, were purged; all coeducational schools were converted to segregated institutions; Islamic dress codes were imposed on schools and colleges; textbooks were revised to eliminate illustrations of unveiled women; and female students were dissuaded from entering certain fields of specialization (Mehran, 1989; Higgins and Shoar-Ghaffari, p. 17).


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